On Friday, February 17th, American Beauty in New York City will be hosting a tribute to Alanis Morissette’s essential album, Jagged Little Pill. Assembled by Turkuaz drummer Michelangelo Carubba, the super group set to pay tribute to this classic 90’s album includes Jennifer Hartswick (Trey Anastasio Band), Shira Elias (Turkuaz), Sammi Garett (Turkuaz), Mayteana Morales (Pimps of Joytime), Sasha Brown (Sister Sparrow & The Dirty Birds), Nate Edgar (The Nth Power), and Craig Brodhead (Turkuaz). The group will start off by playing a set of jams, before paying homage to Alanis. The night is also set to serve as a fundraiser for Planned Parenthood, with a portion of the proceeds going to the women’s health organization.***Get Tickets Here***With the ever-changing landscape of individual rights being put at risk in the current political climate, it is important to support organizations and charities that advocate for various demographics of the country’s population. With that in mind, a portion of the proceeds from this show will be donated to Planned Parenthood in support of women’s rights to decide what is in the best interest of their own bodies and minds.While its funding is frequently construed as a partisan issue, and a volatile one at that, the affordable women’s services that Planned Parenthood provides to communities across the country have been shown to be essential, particularly to underserved and primarily low-income communities, which accounted for 79% of their patients in 2012. As the largest provider of reproductive and women’s health services in the country, over five million men, women, and adolescents visit Planned Parenthood clinics each year. 16% of its services are related to cancer screening and prevention, 35% of its services are used by women and men for STD testing and treatment, and 35% of its services are related to contraception. This translates into 270,000 Pap tests and 360,000 breast exams used for detecting cancer and 4.2 million tests and treatments for STIs, including over 650,000 tests for HIV. Because such a small fraction of their services are related to abortion (3%), regardless of your personal feelings on the issue, in practice, when Planned Parenthood is threatened, communities lose access to these other services that are essential to public health.So, what can happen to communities when their local Planned Parenthood clinics don’t get the money that they need to keep providing health care services? In 2013, the Planned Parenthood clinic in Scott County, IN, closed due to insufficient funding. The site was the only free provider of HIV testing in the county and did not provide abortion services. Two years later, Scott County was in the midst of a public health crisis: an HIV outbreak infecting 181 individuals.On March 25, 2015, then Indiana governor, our now vice president Mike Pence, declared a public health state of emergency, breaking from his previous thoughts on such programs and starting a free needle exchange program in the area to curb the outbreak. While the closure of the Scott County Planned Parenthood cannot be definitively shown to have caused or played a role in the Scott County HIV outbreak, some medical experts after the fact have wondered if these tragic events could have been avoided, or at least mitigated, had HIV testing, like the services originally provided by Planned Parenthood, been available to this rural community leading up to the outbreak. Thus, even outside of the pro-choice/pro-life debate that often becomes the focus of discussions about Planned Parenthood, it is important not to lose sight of the impact of the other important preventative services that Planned Parenthood provides.On February 17th, a group of incredible musicians will be coming together in New York City to benefit Planned Parenthood. Not only will the stacked supergroup ensure the night is fun, with one set of jams and one set dedicated to Alanis Morissette’s Jagged Little Pill, but, more importantly, proceeds of the ticket sales will be benefiting a hugely important organization whose good work is increasingly threatened by the current political climate. Tickets for the benefit are available for purchase here.
Yup, he’s still non-stop! Fresh off of his Saturday Night Live stint (which boasted 12-year high ratings), Hamilton mastermind Lin-Manuel Miranda is poised for Moana’s big screen release (November 23), prepped for Hamilton’s America to debut on PBS (October 21) and packing for London to shoot Mary Poppins Returns with Into the Woods favorite Emily Blunt. He stopped by Good Morning America on October 13 to discuss his long list of upcoming projects. We can’t wait to see what the certified genius does next! Watch the full interview below! Lin-Manuel Miranda View Comments WATCH: @Lin_Manuel discusses @DisneyMoana, @HamiltonMusical, Mary Poppins and more! https://t.co/GavEwq4lOU— Good Morning America (@GMA) October 13, 2016 Star Files Lin-Manuel Miranda
Tickets are now available for Emmy nominee Jason Odell Williams’ Church & State off-Broadway. Directed by Markus Potter, the production begins performances on March 3 at New World Stages.The cast includes Broadway alums Nadia Bowers and Christa Scott Reed, Rob Nagle and Jonathan Louis Dent. Nagle originated the role of Senator Charles Whitmore during the production’s world premiere at Skylight Theatre Company. Bowers appeared on Broadway in The Farnsworth Invention, Doubt and Metamorphoses. Reed was last seen on the Great White Way in The Pitman Painters. Dent was featured in Sons of the Prophet off-Broadway.William’s comedy play Church & State takes on faith, politics and “The Twitter.” Three days before his Senate reelection, Charles Whitmore decides to address the public completely uncensored. What could possibly go wrong? Related Shows Church & State Show Closed This production ended its run on June 4, 2017 View Comments ‘Church & State’
Rain or shine, the Sunbelt Agricultural Expo in Moultrie is the place to be for farmers and others working in the field of agriculture. The 37th annual Expo was no different as thousands flocked to south Georgia this week to see new technologies, learn from university scientists and see the latest farming equipment on the market. “We started off with the inclement weather on Tuesday and persevered and overcame that to a great day on Wednesday with great crowds throughout the grounds and wrapped it up on Thursday with another gorgeous day at the Sunbelt Expo. We already have our sights squarely set on Oct. 20, 21, 22 (2015),” said Chip Blaylock, executive director of the Sunbelt Expo, referring to dates for next year’s Expo.Scientists and Extension specialists from the University of Georgia have been a prominent part of the Expo for years, but this was just UGA President Jere Morehead’s second time attending the event. Despite a daylong deluge of rain on Tuesday, Morehead came away impressed. “The Sunbelt Expo is a great reminder that no industry is more important to the state of Georgia than agriculture,” Morehead said. “This event also reminds us of the significant role UGA, as the state’s land-grant university, must continue to play in supporting this critical area of Georgia’s economy. I was pleased to see on display the many strong partnerships that exist between our institution and key leaders and groups in the agriculture industry.”Also in attendance was Austin French, an alum of Georgia 4-H’s Clovers & Company, who sang the Star-Spangled Banner at the Swisher Sweets Sunbelt Expo Southeastern Farmer of the Year luncheon. This year’s farmer of the year award recipient was Tifton’s Philip Grimes, marking the first time since 2010 that a Georgia farmer received the show’s highest honor.Georgia was the Spotlight State this year and the Spotlight State committee helped deliver a new addition to the Sunbelt Expo. The new Spotlight State building, unveiled on Tuesday, will be used for each year’s spotlight state. Next year, Mississippi will be the Spotlight State.“We’re proud that Georgia has been selected as the 2014 Spotlight State and the addition of the new Spotlight State building is certainly something to celebrate,” said Georgia Commissioner of Agriculture Gary Black, following a groundbreaking for the building in September.Georgia’s exhibit included a mural depicting the state’s agricultural diversity. Georgia farms more than 60 commodities, with poultry topping the list at 33 percent of the state’s annual farm gate value.UGA’s Academic ImpactEach year the Sunbelt Expo provides UGA’s College of Agricultural and Environmental Sciences the opportunity to talk with and recruit state high school students. “A lot of students that enjoy coming here have an interest in our programs and our majors. It’s an opportunity for them to find out more about our college. They can find out what they need to do as far as how to apply to the university and what they might want to study when they get there,” said Brice Nelson, student recruitment coordinator in the CAES Office of the Associate Dean for Academic Affairs.Part of UGA’s recruitment efforts included its ambassadors, CAES students that help promote the college through different activities and events, including the Expo.“The ambassadors do a really good job. They can relate to them and tell them about their experiences, whether it’s on the Tifton Campus, Griffin Campus or Athens Campus. The ambassadors can give them that real world experience of college and how they adapted to it and what they enjoy about it,” Nelson said. “High school students really like talking to the college students, that’s for sure.”Next year’s Sunbelt Expo will be held Oct. 20-22.
98.9 WOKO and its sister station AM1230 WJOY are pleased to announce$4,900, the most amount of money in 13 years, was raised for the FletcherAllen Health Care Breast Care Center during Bridal Expo 2004 on February1st at the Sheraton Hotel & Conference Center in Burlington.Bridal Expo 2004 admission proceeds will be donated to the Fletcher AllenBreast Care Center during a check presentation at the Breast Care Centerin the University Health Center on UVM’s campus before the end ofFebruary.The Fletcher Allen Breast Care Center will be using the money to producefree information books for women who have recently been diagnosed withbreast cancer.This is the 7th year 98.9 WOKO and 1230AM WJOY have donated their BridalExpo proceeds to the Breast Care Center.
By Dialogo July 30, 2010 Paraguayan police shot dead a leader of an armed leftist group blamed for murders and kidnappings during a gun battle in a border region on Wednesday, the Interior Ministry said. Left-leaning President Fernando Lugo has been under pressure to track down key figures in the Paraguayan People’s Army (EPP), a small armed group trained by Colombian rebels and active in marijuana-growing regions in the north. EPP leader Severiano Martinez, who was one of the country’s most wanted fugitives, was tracked down by police in a part of the inhospitable Chaco region that borders Bolivia. “They told us he’d been located, they gave him a warning and he responded by firing at the officers, which in turn led to an exchange of fire,” Interior Minister Rafael Filizzola told a news conference. Filizzola said five arrest warrants had been issued for Martinez, who was accused of kidnapping and killing the daughter of former President Raul Cubas in 2004. President Lugo dispatched extra police and troops earlier this year to areas bordering Brazil and Bolivia to track down members of the group, who are believed to number about 100.
Sign up for our COVID-19 newsletter to stay up-to-date on the latest coronavirus news throughout New York This story was co-published with Politico Magazine.Last July 4, my family and I went to Long Island to celebrate the holiday with a friend and her family. After eating some barbecue, a group of us decided to take a walk along the ocean. The mood on the beach that day was festive. Music from a nearby party pulsed through the haze of sizzling meat. Lovers strolled hand in hand. Giggling children chased each other along the boardwalk.Most of the foot traffic was heading in one direction, but then two teenage girls came toward us, moving stiffly against the flow, both of them looking nervously to their right. “He’s got a gun,” one of them said in a low voice.I turned my gaze to follow theirs, and was clasping my 4-year-old daughter’s hand when a young man extended his arm and fired off multiple shots along the busy street running parallel to the boardwalk. Snatching my daughter up into my arms, I joined the throng of screaming revelers running away from the gunfire and toward the water.The shots stopped as quickly as they had started. The man disappeared between some buildings. Chest heaving, hands shaking, I tried to calm my crying daughter, while my husband, friends and I all looked at one another in breathless disbelief. I turned to check on Hunter, a high school intern from Oregon who was staying with my family for a few weeks, but she was on the phone.“Someone was just shooting on the beach,” she said, between gulps of air, to the person on the line.Unable to imagine whom she would be calling at that moment, I asked her, somewhat indignantly, if she couldn’t have waited until we got to safety before calling her mom.“No,” she said. “I am talking to the police.”My friends and I locked eyes in stunned silence. Between the four adults, we hold six degrees. Three of us are journalists. And not one of us had thought to call the police. We had not even considered it.We also are all black. And without realizing it, in that moment, each of us had made a set of calculations, an instantaneous weighing of the pros and cons.As far as we could tell, no one had been hurt. The shooter was long gone, and we had seen the back of him for only a second or two. On the other hand, calling the police posed considerable risks. It carried the very real possibility of inviting disrespect, even physical harm. We had seen witnesses treated like suspects, and knew how quickly black people calling the police for help could wind up cuffed in the back of a squad car. Some of us knew of black professionals who’d had guns drawn on them for no reason.This was before Michael Brown. Before police killed John Crawford III for carrying a BB gun in a Wal-Mart or shot down 12-year-old Tamir Rice in a Cleveland park. Before Akai Gurley was killed by an officer while walking in a dark staircase and before Eric Garner was choked to death upon suspicion of selling “loosies.” Without yet knowing those names, we all could go down a list of unarmed black people killed by law enforcement.We feared what could happen if police came rushing into a group of people who, by virtue of our skin color, might be mistaken for suspects.For those of you reading this who may not be black, or perhaps Latino, this is my chance to tell you that a substantial portion of your fellow citizens in the United States of America have little expectation of being treated fairly by the law or receiving justice. It’s possible this will come as a surprise to you. But to a very real extent, you have grown up in a different country than I have.As Khalil Gibran Muhammad, author of The Condemnation of Blackness, puts it, “White people, by and large, do not know what it is like to be occupied by a police force. They don’t understand it because it is not the type of policing they experience. Because they are treated like individuals, they believe that if I am not breaking the law, I will never be abused.’”We are not criminals because we are black. Nor are we somehow the only people in America who don’t want to live in safe neighborhoods. Yet many of us cannot fundamentally trust the people who are charged with keeping us and our communities safe.As protest and revolt swept across the Missouri suburb of Ferguson and demonstrators staged die-ins and blocked highways and boulevards from Oakland to New York with chants of “Black lives matter,” many white Americans seemed shocked by the gaping divide between law enforcement and the black communities they are supposed to serve. It was no surprise to us. For black Americans, policing is “the most enduring aspect of the struggle for civil rights,” says Muhammad, a historian and director of the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture in New York. “It has always been the mechanism for racial surveillance and control.”In the South, police once did the dirty work of enforcing the racial caste system. The Ku Klux Klan and law enforcement were often indistinguishable. Black-and-white photographs of the era memorialize the way Southern police sicced German shepherds on civil rights protesters and peeled the skin off black children with the force of water hoses. Lawmen were also involved or implicated in untold numbers of beatings, killings and disappearances of black Southerners who forgot their place.In the North, police worked to protect white spaces by containing and controlling the rising black population that had been propelled into the industrial belt during the Great Migration. It was not unusual for Northern police to join white mobs as they attacked black homeowners attempting to move into white neighborhoods, or black workers trying to take jobs reserved for white laborers. And yet they strictly enforced vagrancy laws, catch-alls that gave them wide discretion to stop, question and arrest black citizens at will.Much has changed since then. Much has not.Last Fourth of July, in a few short minutes as we adults watched the teenager among us talking to the police, we saw Hunter become a little more like us, her faith a little shaken, her place in the world a little less stable. Hunter, who is biracial and lives with her white mother in a heavily white area, had not been exposed to the policing many black Americans face. She was about to be.On the phone, she could offer only the most generic of suspect descriptions, which apparently made the officer on the other end of the line suspicious. By way of explanation, Hunter told the officer she was just 16. The police called her back: once, twice, then three times, asking her for more information. The interactions began to feel menacing. “I’m not from here,” Hunter said. “I’ve told you everything I know.”The fourth time the police called, she looked frightened. Her interrogator asked her, “Are you really trying to be helpful, or were you involved in this?” She turned to us, her voice aquiver. “Are they going to come get me?”“See,” one of us said, trying to lighten the mood. “That’s why we don’t call them.”We all laughed, but it was hollow.My friend Carla Murphy and I have talked about that day several times since then. We’ve turned it over in our minds and wondered whether, with the benefit of hindsight, we should have called 911.Carla wasn’t born in the United States. She came here when she was 9, and back in her native Barbados, she didn’t give police much thought. That changed when she moved into heavily black Jamaica, Queens.Carla said she constantly saw police, often white, stopping and harassing passersby, almost always black. “You see the cops all the time, but they do not speak to you. You see them talking to each other, but the only time you ever see them interact with someone is if they are jacking them up,” she said. “They are making a choice, and it says they don’t care about you, it tells you they are not here for your people or people who look like you.”Carla herself was arrested at a young age because she was present when her cousin pushed through a subway turnstile without paying. The teenagers were cuffed, thrown in a paddy wagon, booked and held overnight. At 15, Carla, then a student at The Dalton School, a prestigious private academy in Manhattan, had an arrest record.That experience, along with many others, informed Carla’s decision on July 4.“I am a responsible adult, but I really can’t see having a different reaction. Isn’t that weird?” she told me. “By calling the police, you are inviting this big system that, frankly, doesn’t like you into your life. Sometimes you call and it is not the help that comes.”“So, no, I wouldn’t call the police,” she said. “Which is sad, because I want to be a good citizen.”I moved to the historic Bedford-Stuyvesant neighborhood of Brooklyn in 2011. Before then, I had been living in Portland, Oregon, and when I chose my new home in the gritty big city, it was partly because it was only a block away from a police precinct. That proximity made me feel safer. I figured crime would be less common with so many police nearby. Inadvertently, however, I also picked a prime target area of the city’s stop-and-frisk program, a system of policing that caught so many innocent black and brown men in its dragnet that a federal judge found it unconstitutional in 2013.My block is fairly typical of Bed-Stuy. My neighbors, until recently, were all black and included everyone from laborers to college professors. Both immaculately kept brownstones and boarded-up townhouses line my street. We have block meetings and a community garden. Police are a constant presence, speeding down the street to the precinct or walking the beat. Sometimes, I escort my daughter to the store underneath police watchtowers with tinted windows that pop up around the neighborhood with no warning, then disappear just as suddenly, their entire existence ambiguous yet alarming. I have witnessed from my window, countless times, police stopping someone, usually a young man, who is walking down the street. These men are often searched and questioned as they go to the bodega or head home from work or school.A few months ago, a police officer approached my neighbor as he was leaving the bodega and began questioning him. My neighbor is quiet and respectful, but he also is poor and transient. He tends to look disheveled, but the worst thing I’ve seen him do is drink beer on the stoop.When he asked why he was being stopped, the police grabbed him and threw him to the ground. As someone recorded the incident on a cellphone, police shot my neighbor with a Taser gun and then arrested him.He was never told why the police had stopped him. The only thing they charged him with was resisting arrest. But this arrest cost him his job and a fine he will struggle to pay. If he doesn’t pay, a judge will issue a bench warrant, and instead of preventing crime, the police will have created a criminal.Across the street and a few doors down from me, my neighbor Guthrie Ramsey has his own story. Guthrie was born in Chicago and grew up in a family that did not emphasize the obstacles their children would face. “I was socialized to believe that the police were our friends,” he said.Yet one night, some years ago, while driving his teenage son to a soccer game, Guthrie was pulled over by police. Within minutes, he and his son were sprawled on the ground, with guns drawn on them. The police believed Guthrie fit the description of a suspect. Guthrie, a short, easy-going guy with a contagious laugh, managed to point the police to his University of Pennsylvania faculty ID. That’s right: He’s an Ivy League professor. And a noted musician.“It was so frightening. It was humiliating. You get so humiliated that it’s hard to even get to the anger,” he told me. “You just don’t get to experience interactions with the police as a garden-variety circumstance.”These types of stories in black communities are so ubiquitous as to be unremarkable. If my husband is running very late and I cannot get hold of him, my mind does not immediately go to foul play. I wonder if he’s been detained.This fear is not unjustified. Young black men today are 21 times more likely to be shot and killed by police than young white men. Still, it’s not that black Americans expect to die every time they encounter the police. Police killings are just the worst manifestations of countless slights and indignities that build until there’s an explosion.Since 1935, nearly every so-called race riot in the United States, and there have been more than 100, has been sparked by a police incident, Muhammad says. This can be an act of brutality, or a senseless killing. But the underlying causes run much deeper. Police, because they interact with black communities every day, are often seen as the face of larger systems of inequality in the justice system, employment, education and housing.In the months since Ferguson, Missouri, many pundits have asserted that black Americans deserve this type of policing, that it is a consequence of their being more likely to be both the perpetrators and victims of violent crime.“White police officers wouldn’t be there if you weren’t killing each other,” former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani argued on Meet the Press as the nation awaited the grand jury decision in the Michael Brown shooting. It should be noted that Giuliani oversaw the NYPD during two of the most notorious cases of police brutality in recent memory, the sodomy of Abner Louima and the death of Amadou Diallo, who was unarmed, in a hail of 41 bullets. Both were black men.What Giuliani was saying, in essence, is that law-abiding citizens deserve to be treated with suspicion because they share racial traits with the tiny number among them who commit crimes.Black communities want a good relationship with law enforcement because they want their families and property to be safe. After all, it is true that black communities often face higher rates of crime; in 2013, more than 50 percent of murder victims across the country were black, though only 13 percent of the total population is. But it’s also true that crime reduction efforts by black people in black communities have contributed to the recent, historic drop in crime across the country.So why are black Americans still so often denied the same kind of smart policing that typically occurs in white communities, where police seem fully capable of discerning between law-abiding citizens and those committing crimes, and between crimes like turnstile-jumping and those that need serious intervention?“You can be protected and served,” Muhammad says. “It happens every day in communities across America. It happens all the time in white communities where crime is happening.”During the height of the “Black Lives Matter” protests, a mentally ill man shot and killed two police officers a few blocks from my home. I lay up that night thinking about those two men and their families. No one wants to see people killed. Not by police, not by anyone. The next morning, my husband and I took food and flowers to the grim brick precinct right around the corner from us that the officers were working out of when they were killed.The officer at the front desk did not greet us when we came in. And he looked genuinely surprised by our offering, his face softening as he told us we didn’t have to do this, but thank you. That people who should be allies somehow felt like adversaries troubled me.The next day, I drove by the precinct on my way to the store. It had been cordoned off with metal barricades. Two helmeted officers stood sentry out front, gripping big black assault rifles, and watching. The message felt clear.They weren’t standing out there to protect the neighborhood. They were there to protect themselves from us.Related coverage: For more of Nikole Hannah-Jones’ work on race and inequality in the nation’s schools and neighborhoods, see School Segregation, the Continuing Tragedy of Ferguson.ProPublica is a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative newsroom. Sign up for their newsletter.
“Establishment of clear and consistent practices for combating threats to the food supply is a necessary prerequisite to the public health imperative of providing secure, safe and nutritious food for all Americans,” said Dr. Lester Crawford, acting FDA director, in an FDA news release. The US Department of Agriculture (USDA) along with the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) signed the agreement on Sep 23. The cooperative agreement will proceed in three phases: a workgroup will gather information on existing procedures, then it will develop an interagency response plan, then the guidelines will be established. The planning process is expected to conclude in June 2005. See also: Sep 29, 2004 (CIDRAP News) Three federal agencies have signed a cooperative agreement with the National Association of State Departments of Agriculture (NASDA) to improve integration of state-federal responses to food and agricultural emergencies. The process will include tabletop exercises and work groups aimed at developing best practices and guidelines, the news release said. USDA’s Food Safety and Inspection Service (FSIS), FDA, and DHS’s Information Analysis and Infrastructure Protection Directorate are funding development of the integrated approach. USDA news releasehttp://www.fda.gov/NewsEvents/Newsroom/PressAnnouncements/2004/ucm108357… CIDRAP listing of food biosecurity and food safety guidelines
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Topics : USA Track and Field, the governing body of American athletics, on Saturday called for a postponement of the Tokyo Olympics.The federation, in a letter to United States Olympic & Paralympic Committee (USOPC) chief executive Sarah Hirshland, asked the International Olympic Committee (IOC) to postpone the Games which are scheduled to run from July 24-Aug. 9.”We certainly understand the ramifications of this request, and the realities of trying to coordinate the logistics of a postponed Olympic Games around the schedules of other athletes, sport federations, key stakeholders etc, but the alternative of moving forward in light of the current global situation would not be in the best interest of our athletes (as difficult as that decision might be),” USATF Chief Executive Max Siegel said in the letter.The US track and field federation joined another leading US Olympic sport, USA Swimming, in seeking a delay to the Games.